MARYAM RAJAVI: FOR FREEDOM, FROM MOSADDEGH TO JANUARY 2018 UPRISING CATEGORIES // Messages

Mosaddegh’s tenure was a unique example of a government that defended its people’s rights and national interests, was devoid of corruption and tyranny, and was especially characterized an unwavering struggle for national freedom and independence

On the anniversary of the demise of Dr. Mohammad Mosaddegh, leader of Iran’s Nationalist Movement, on March 15, 1967, we salute his exalted soul and renew our pledge to continue and advance his path for the happiness of the Iranian nation.

Mosaddegh became an acclaimed international icon for taking bold action to nationalize Iran’s Oil Industry on March 20, 1952, an unforgettable landmark in Iran’s history. By leading this struggle, Mosaddegh became a great teacher of patriotism and an unwavering struggle for independence for Iranian people and nations of the Middle East.

In the first year after he seized power, Khomeini said, “Our path is not the path of oil… Oil nationalization is not an issue for us. It is wrong… to set Islam aside and praise someone who has nationalized the oil.”

Khomeini and his heirs thus established a dreadful dictatorship instead of democracy and freedom which the people of Iran aspired for. They also squandered the country’s oil and put it on sale.

Khomeini and his heirs resent Mosaddegh not only for his brilliant victory in nationalizing the oil, but for the valuable steps he took to put an end to despotism, corruption and poverty and bring democracy to the various realms of life in Iran. He threaded a road which was totally different from those of the Shah and Khomeini.

The pleasant memory of Mosaddegh’s brief tenure has remained in the nation’s mind since he promoted a nationalist and democratic program which was very progressive in his time.

The popular uprising on July 21, 1952, helped him pass his nine-point plan in the parliament. The plan enabled Mosaddegh to balance Iran’s foreign trade-- an unprecedented phenomenon in Iran’s history-- despite cessation of oil revenues, through imposing severe control on imports and reducing public expenses. He also managed to balance the country’s domestic budget.

For the first and last time in Iran’s history, Mosaddegh succeeded to relieve the country’s reliance on oil revenues for income. His administration introduced a range of progressive social, financial, administrative and political reforms despite tough opposition. He initiated extensive reforms in the Army, in health and education, in the judiciary and legal proceedings, and annulled the special and extraordinary courts.

Mosaddegh introduced reforms based on which landowners had to turn over 10 per cent of their revenues to their tenants. According to the new land reforms, the lands owned by the government were divided into small pieces and sold to the public to build their own housing, as a result of which house rent was lowered for low income families.

Mosaddegh was in office for only 28 months but his brief tenure was a unique example of a government that defended its people’s rights and national interests, was devoid of corruption and tyranny, and was especially characterized by an unwavering struggle for national freedom and independence.

As Massoud Rajavi once reiterated, “Mosaddegh was not an individual but represented a cause. He was targeted from all directions for his cause which cherished independence, freedom, and an unwavering struggle against foreign colonialism, and against domestic dictatorship and fundamentalism.”

The Shah’s path characterized by authoritarianism and dependence on foreign powers failed. The path of religious tyranny also failed.

Inspired by Mosaddegh and the Mojahedin (PMOI), Iran’s young generations have risen up today in dozens of cities across the country. They have a big question: Why doesn’t Iran have a democratic government despite its rich and progressive culture and despite abundant material and human resources?

This is the fundamental question that has made Iran’s people restless in achieving freedom, democracy and equality.

Mosaddegh said, “I will struggle to the last breath for freedom and independence of this country.”

We also pledge to continue the fight for the overthrow of the clerical dictatorship and not relent until the aspirations of our nation for a free, prosperous land free from all forms of discrimination are realized.

The MEK's Religious Beliefs

The People's Mojahedin Organization of Iran (PMOI/MEK) is a political group dedicated to bringing freedom and democracy to Iran.

They derive their political beliefs from a modern and tolerant version of Islam that is fully compatible with modern society – the exact opposite of the ruling mullahs’ Sharia Law, which is intolerant, extremist, genocidal, non-democratic, and misogynist – and the MEK believe that their interpretation is the true meaning of Islam.

In 1982, MEK leader Massoud Rajavi, said: “The Islam we want is nationalistic, democratic, progressive, and not opposed to science or civilization. We believe there is no contradiction between modern science and true Islam, and we believe that in Islam there must be no compulsion or dictatorship.”

This combination of tolerant religion and politics means that the MEK enjoys broad public support amongst the Iranian people and people all over the world, but it is also why the mullahs fear the MEK.

Today, we will look at some of those beliefs in more detail and explore why the MEK believe that Islam that the Quran, the Prophet Mohammad, and other religious leaders espouse the ideological principles of freedom, gender, ethnic and religious equality, human rights, and peace.

A Dynamic Islam

While the mullahs see Islam as mechanical and deterministic, the MEK believes that the real interpretation of Islam is dynamic and never impedes social progress. The MEK believes that Islam promotes science, technology and civilization, which improves the lives of ordinary people.

The MEK explain this through the story of Prophet Mohammad’s 23-year mission during which time some Quranic verses were declared ‘resembling’ to reflect changes and advancements in society.

The MEK does not see the Quran as prescriptive, explaining that less than 10% of verses in the Quran are edicts, so it should not be seen as a legal text that does not allow for humans to make their own laws that are suitable for the period in time that they are living.

Fundamentalists see the edicts as unchangeable dogma that must be obeyed at all costs – unless, of course, it is the fundamentalist that breaks them – but the MEK believe that the Quran emphasizes that these edicts are subject to change over time.

In fact, the MEK see fundamentalists as frankly un-Islamic.

A Democratic Islam

The MEK believe that democracy is a key feature of Islam, highlighting the Quran and the Prophet Mohammad as saying that freewill and individual responsibility is what separates the humans from the animals and God’s will is realised through democratic governance.

In 1980, Massoud Rajavi said: “Freedom is a divine blessing…Anyone trying to restrict human freedom has neither understood Islam nor mankind and the [anti-monarchist] revolution. Freedom is indispensable to the survival of mankind as human beings. Otherwise, human beings would be no different from animals and could not be held responsible for anything.”

That is why the MEK see the ballot box as the sole condition for political legitimacy, as a free and fair election offers the people free will.

The MEK believe that fundamentalist mullahs who reject free will, individual choice, and democracy are spreading an interpretation that is incompatible with Islam and therefore meaningless. The process of installing an unelected head of state and rigging elections to ensure that your party wins is also undemocratic and therefore un-Islamic.

The Truth Behind the Rumours: Are the MEK Marxist?

Over the past 50 years, both the Shah’s and the Mullahs’ Regimes have accused the Iranian resistance group, People's Mojahedin Organization of Iran (PMOI/MEK) of being Marxist, but is it true?

Simply, no. It was a wrongful label put upon the MEK by those who opposed it to slander them and undermine their support from the devout Iranian people (as public perception in Iran of the word Marxist was atheist, materialistic, and Western) and the West (who saw Marxists as atheist and a threat to democracy during the Cold War).

How did the MEK first get misrepresented as Marxists?

The Shah and his secret police (SAVAK) used the term ‘Islamist Marxist’ to describe anyone who opposed the monarchy, particularly the MEK, whose potential to cause a revolt, the Shah recognised and feared.

It didn’t help that newspaper reports of the time would list all of the many opponents of the monarchy in a single paragraph, without explaining the political differences between the MEK and the Communist Party and the Marxist People’s Fedayeen.

How did this continue after the expulsion of the Shah?

Following the 1979 Revolution, the MEK worked towards the establishment of a democratic government, but clashed with the mullahs, including Ruhollah Khomeini, who wanted a fundamentalist theocracy. The mullahs then used their terrorist proxy thugs to attack MEK members.

The mullahs and their Ministry of Intelligence and Security (MOIS) continued to misrepresent the MEK as ‘godless Marxists’ after hijacking the Revolution and imposing another Regime on the people. Like the Shah, they were threatened by the MEK’s popularity and saw the damage the MEK could do, so they sent their propaganda machine into overdrive.

What has the MEK said about its Marxist label?

The MEK recognises this labelling as a propaganda tool used to disparage them and has been actively speaking out against it.

In 1981, MEK leader Massoud Rajavi: “Every high school student knows that believing in God, Jesus Christ, and Muhammad is incompatible with the philosophy of Marxism. But for dictators like Khomeini, ‘Islamic Marxist’ is a very profitable phrase to use against any opposition. If Jesus Christ and Muhammad were alive and protesting against Khomeini, he would call them Marxists, too.”

The MEK does not and has never referred to itself as Marxist, socialist, or communist. Massoud Rajavi has even said that the MEK avoided the socialist label to avoid being misrepresented in the people’s minds.

The MEK spent six years developing its political positions, based on a tolerant and democratic interpretation of Islam, and formulating a plan to replace the Shah’s dictatorial monarchy. None of their positions are Marxist.

In 1982, Massoud Rajavi said: “The Islam we want is nationalist, democratic, progressive, and not opposed to science or civilization. We believe that there is no contradiction between modern science and true Islam, and we believe that in Islam there must be no compulsion or dictatorship.”

What should the international community do?

After 50 years of propaganda by the Iranian Regime when they paint the MEK as Marxists, the international com

Maryam Rajavi: U.N. & Security Council's History Page on Iran Turned by the Protesters

London, 6 Jan - If you persist, the world will stand with you and on your side.

Ending the silence on Iran and shattering a 4-decade-old barrier of appeasement of the regime, the UN Security Council’s meeting on Iran is a product of the Iranian people’s u

prising, the sacrifice of its martyrs and the suffering of its captives. The world’s major governments had so far turned a blind eye on brutal suppression of our people and executions of 120,000. Iran’s protesters and youths, however, have in their first step turned the page of the United Nations and Security Council’s history on Iran. This indicates that the young men and women who rose up in the streets of Izeh, Doroud, Tuyserkan, Ghahdarijan, Jouyabad of Isfahan, and 75 other cities can and must turn the darkest page of Iran’s history.

As the Iranian Resistance’s Leader, Massoud Rajavi, said, “If you persist, the world will stand with you and on your side.”

MEK/PMOI Popularity Threat to Iranian Regime's Existance

By: Jubin Katiraie

For many associated with the Iranian lobby and appeasers of the clerical regime in Tehran, the best way to prop up the regime is to discredit any alternative options presented to the international community. In addition, the lobby and appeasers continue to stress that regime change will lead to war. As an example, they point to the struggles of the Iraq government since the removal of Saddam by the U.S. and its allies.

However, history teaches us that any regime’s existence is limited when it begins with a violent upheaval. The current Iranian regime was born out of a revolution to end the rule of the Shah, but that revolution’s goal was to create a secular, pluralistic, and democratic Iran. However, the mullahs hijacked the revolution, creating a theocracy and suppressing any alternative political voices, including the MEK/PMOI.

Instead, to consolidate their power, the Iranian regime has relied on the typical tools of oppression, including the creation of a paramilitary and judiciary system that touches every section of Iranian society. The regime, using its lobby and appeasers, have been quick in attacking any publication or personalities that dare to speak up about the quest of the Iranian people to achieve their original dream of a democratic Iran.

Anyone who dares to talk about “regime change” is targeted for repressive measures. The MEK/PMOI have been high on the regime’s list, since the MEK/PMOI are the most dedicated and organized opposition with extensive routes and support at home, with the ability to materialize regime change.

The people’s Mojahedin Organization of Iran (PMOI/MEK) has been the subject of propaganda campaigns by the Iranian Ministry of Intelligence and Security (MOIS) at home and by regime lobbies and appeasers throughout the international community. This campaign is focused on discrediting the MEK/PMOI, by saying there is no democratic alternative to the Iranian regime and that regime change will result in war and increased instability within the region.

But why is the MEK/PMOI being targeted so directly? The MEK/PMOI is the oldest, largest, and most popular resistance movement within Iran. They form the core of the National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI), which is a coalition of opposition groups from all sectors of Iran. The PMOI/MEK was founded in September 1965 by three Iranian engineers who wanted to replace the Shah’s dictatorship with a democracy.

It is this continued support of democracy that has kept the MEK/PMOI so popular among Iranians. The MEK/PMOI believes that Islam is inherently tolerant and democratic, and fully compatible with the values of modern-day civilization. This vision is the cure to the current spread of extremism, which can be traced back to Iran and its mullahs. Yet, during the time of upheaval after the revolution, the MEK/PMOI leaders witnessed Ayatollah Khomeini’s hijacking of the revolution to create his theocracy.

Khomeini’s response to the efforts of the MEK/PMOI to stop the rise of this theocracy was brutal repression throughout the 1980s, including the massacre of some 30,000 political prisoners who were primarily members or supporters of the MEK/PMOI. Despite the escalation of attacks by the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) throughout the years, the MEK/PMOI has never stopped promoting a pro-democracy vision of Iran. These actions demonstrated that the regime would only hold power by using brutality and repression to keep the Iranian people under their control.

Despite this, the MEK/PMOI has continued to receive support and demonstrations held throughout Iran show that the Iranian people are not cowed by the regime, but still believe in a free Iran.

In the recent 2017 election, hundreds of video clips and photos of banners and placards hanging from pathways and auto routes on billboards, were published on Telegram and YouTube channels, showcasing the vast magnitude of the activities of those who support the MEK/PMOI. The slogan, “My vote is regime change”, echoed throughout the country.

The regime’s election was therefore quickly ended in the first round to avoid further opportunities for protest. Yet, internally, the regime is suffering from deep divisions about how to ensure its survival, as the domestic unrest continues to grow.

Dr. Rafizadeh, a leading Iranian-American political scientist, president of the International American Council on the Middle East, and best-selling author in an opinion piece in Huffington post publishing 8 video clips of MEK activities inside Iran, wrote: “The activists of the network of the Iranian opposition movement, the National Council of Resistance of Iran and its group the Mujahedin-e Khalq (MEK), inside Iran have been engaged in an extensive campaign nationwide, calling on Iranians to boycott the elections. Finally, from my perspective, it is critical to point out that Iranian leaders fear the soft power of oppositional groups more than the military and hard power of foreign governments. That is why Iranian leaders and media outlets normally react forcefully and anxiously to activities by the opposition such as the recent critical move, where Senator John McCain (R-AZ), Chair of the Senate Armed Services Committee, recently met with Mrs. Maryam Rajavi, the President-elect of the National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI) in Tirana, Albania. Iran’s oppositional groups can be a very powerful tool to counterbalance the Islamic Republic.”

This support has not gone unnoticed by the regime, whose leadership has continued to try to clamp down on the MEK/PMOI by blocking access to the internet and monitoring social media posts and clips. They have also tried to block the MEK/PMOI Telegram website and associated channels, only to be rejected each time.

In addition to using blunt force on people, the regime invests heavily in the massive propaganda effort it mobilizes through state-controlled media and via its lobbies and paid agents abroad, in order to discourage more support for the MEK, which is the main drive for regime change in Iran. The extent of the anti MEK propaganda has increased particularly after the July 1, 2017 gathering in Paris, which had a clear message, “Regime change in Iran is within reach.” Some 100,000 Iranian diaspora and supporters of MEK gave energy to it.

This is why it serves the regime’s purposes to continually dangle the threat of war over the heads of its people. It also helps the Iran lobby’s PR efforts to cast Iran like some poor, defenseless nation under threat by the big bad U.S. and its allies, such as Saudi Arabia or the Iranian resistance movement, the MEK/PMOI.

Trita Parsi, the head of the National Iranian American Council and staunch advocate for the Iranian regime, appeared on Bloomberg to beat the war drum again, as well as attacking the Trump administration for not living up to the Iran nuclear deal, even though Secretary of State Rex Tillerson announced the renewal of the compliance certification for another 90 days.

But the Trump administration also is asserting that Iranian regime’s development of ballistic missiles; support of terrorism and militancy; complicity in atrocities by the government of Syrian dictator, Bashar Assad; cyberattacks on the U.S.; and other actions “severely undermine the intent” of the nuclear accord and support additional sanctions as a response to these actions.

The real threat to the Iranian regime though lies not within sanctions, but in the simple acts of defiance that the Iranian people undertake themselves such as the hanging of banners on Tehran’s overpasses bearing the image of MEK/PMOI leader Mrs. Maryam Rajavi; an act punishable by death if the perpetrators were caught.

The regime is also threatened by every protest over low wages or unsafe working conditions. In many ways large and small, the process of regime change can happen slowly, methodically, and inexorably.

Mrs. Rajavi, in a recent speech at the annual gathering of the Iranian resistance movement and supporters of MEK/PMOI, opined that the movement did not require outside assistance from governments, such as the U.S., to succeed. It only needed the recognition by such governments to be empowered to bring about peaceful regime change and give birth to a democratic Iran.

More about the People’s Mojahdin Organization of Iran (PMOI/ MEK)

The People’s Mojahedin Organization of Iran (Also known as MEK, or Mujahedin-e-Khalq / Mujahedeen-e-Khalq), was founded on September 6, 1965, by Mohammad Hanifnejad, Saeed Mohsen, and Ali-Asghar Badizadgan. All engineers, they had earlier been members of the Freedom Movement (also known as the Liberation Movement), created by Medhi Bazargan in May 1961.1

The MEK’s quest culminated in a true interpretation of Islam, which is inherently tolerant and democratic, and fully compatible with the values of modern-day civilization. It took six years for the MEK to formulate its view of Islam and develop a strategy to replace Iran’s dictatorial monarchy with a democratic government.

MEK’s interpretation of Islam

The theocratic mullah regime in Iran believe interpreting Islam is their exclusive domain. The MEK reject this view and the cleric’s reactionary vision of Islam. The MEK’s comprehensive interpretation of Islam proved to be more persuasive and appealing to the Iranian youth.

MEK’s founders and new members studied the various schools of thought, the Iranian history and those of other countries, enabling them to analyze other philosophies and ideologies with considerable knowledge and to present their own ideology, based on Islam, as the answer to Iran’s problems.

MEK’s leadership’s arrest during the 70s.

The Shah’s notorious secret police, SAVAK, arrested all MEK leaders and most of its member’s in1971. On May 1972, the founders of the MEK, Mohammad Hanifnejad , Saeed Mohsen and Ali Asghar Badizadegan, along with two members of the MEK leadership, Mahmoud Askarizadeh and Rasoul Meshkinfam, were put before death squads and were executed after long months of imprisonment and torture. They were the true vanguards, who stood against the dictatorial regime of Shah. However, they are also recognized for their opposition to what is today known as Islamic fundamentalism.

The death sentence of Massoud Rajavi, a member of MEK’s central committee, was commuted to life imprisonment as a result of an international campaign by his Geneva based brother, Dr. Kazem Rajavi (assassinated in April 1990 in Geneva by mullahs’ agents) and the personal intervention of the French President Georges Pompidou and Francois Mitterrand. He was the only survivor of the MEK original leadership.

Massoud Rajavi’s critical role in characterizing religious extremism

From 1975 to 1979, while incarcerated in different prisons, Massoud Rajavi led the MEK’s struggle while constantly under torture for his leading position.

Massoud Rajavi stressed the need to continue the struggle against the shah’s dictatorship. At the same time, he characterized religious fanaticism as the primary internal threat to the popular opposition, and warned against the emergence and growth of religious fanaticism and autocracy. He also played a crucial role when some splinter used the vacuum in the MEK leadership who were all executed or imprisoned at the time, to claim a change of ideology and policy. Massoud Rajavi as the MEK leader condemn these individual’s misuse of MEK’s name while continuing to stress the struggle against dictatorship. His efforts while still in prison forced these individuals to no longer operating under the name of MEK and adopting a different name for their group. These positions remained the MEK’s manifesto until the overthrow of the shah’s regime.

Release of Political Prisoners on the last days of the Shah

A month before the 1979 revolution in Iran, the Shah was forced to flee Iran, never to return. All democratic opposition leaders had by then either been executed by the Shah’s SAVAK or imprisoned, and could exert little influence on the trend of events. Khomeini and his network of mullahs across the country, who had by and large been spared the wrath of SAVAK, were the only force that remained unharmed and could take advantage of the political vacuum. In France, Khomeini received maximum exposure to the world media. With the aid of his clerical followers, he hijacked a revolution that began with calls for democracy and freedom and diverted it towards his fundamentalist goals. Through an exceptional combination of historical events, Shiite clerics assumed power in Iran.

Khomeini’s gradual crackdown on MEK in fear of their popular support

In internal discourses, Rajavi the remaining leader of the MEK, argued that Khomeini represented the reactionary sector of society and preached religious fascism. Later, in the early days after the 1979 revolution, the mullahs, specifically Rafsanjani, pointed to these statements in inciting the hezbollahi club-wielders to attack the MEK.

Following the revolution, the MEK became Iran’s largest organized political party. It had hundreds of thousands of members who operated from MEK offices all over the country. MEK publication, ‘Mojahed’ was circulated in 500,000 copies.

Khomeini set up an Assembly of Experts comprised of sixty of his closest mullahs and loyalists to ratify the principle of velayat-e faqih (absolute supremacy of clerical rule) as a pillar of the Constitution. The MEK launched a nationwide campaign in opposition to this move, which enjoyed enormous popular support. Subsequently, the MEK refused to approve the new constitution based on the concept of velayat-e faqih, while stressing its observance of the law of the country to deny the mullahs any excuse for further suppression of MEK supporters who were regularly targeted by the regime’s official and unofficial thugs.

Khomeini sanctioned the occupation of the United States embassy in 1979 in order to create an anti-American frenzy, which facilitated the holding of a referendum to approve his Constitution, which the MEK rejected.

MEK’s endeavors to participate in the political process avoiding an unwanted conflict with government repressive forces

The MEK actively participated in the political process, fielding candidates for the parliamentary and presidential elections. The MEK also entered avidly into the national debate on the structure of the new Islamic regime, though was unsuccessful in seeking an elected constituent assembly to draft a constitution.

The MEK similarly made an attempt at political participation when [then] Massoud Rajavi ran for the presidency in January 1980. MEK’s leader was forced to withdraw when Khomeini ruled that only candidates who had supported the constitution in the December referendum – which the MEK had boycotted- were eligible. Rajavi’s withdrawal statement emphasized the MEK’s efforts to conform to election regulations and reiterated the MEK’s intention to advance its political aims within the new legal system”. (Unclassified report on the People’s Mojahedin Organization of Iran(PMOI/ MEK) by the Department of State to the United States House of Representatives, December 1984.)

However, the MEK soon found itself in a direct struggle against the forces of the regime’s Supreme leader. The MEK’s differences with Khomeini dated back to the 1970s, and stem from its opposition to what is known today as Islamic extremism. Angry at the position taken by the MEK against his regime and worried about the MEK’s growing popularity, Khomeini ordered a brutal crackdown against the MEK and its supporters. Between 1979 and 1981, some 70 MEK members and sympathizers were killed and several thousand more were imprisoned by the Iranian regime.

June 20, 1981- Khomeini’s order to open fire on peaceful demonstration of half-a-million supporters of MEK

The turning point came on 20th June 1981, when the MEK called a demonstration to protest at the regime’s crackdown, and to call for political freedom which half-a-million supporters participated at. Khomeini ordered the Revolutionary Guards to open fire on the swelling crowd, fearing that without absolute repression the democratic opposition (MEK) would force him to engage in serious reforms – an anathema as far as he was concerned; he ordered the mass and summary executions of those arrested.

Since then, MEK activists have been the prime victims of human rights violations in Iran. Over 120,000 of its members and supporters have been executed by the Iranian regime, 30,000 of which, were executed in a few months in the summer of 1988, on a direct fatwa by Khomeini, which stated any prisoners who remain loyal to the MEK must be executed.

Having been denied its fundamental rights and having come under extensive attack at the time that millions of its members, supporters and sympathizers had no protection against the brutal onslaught of the Iranian regime, the MEK had no choice but to resist against the mullahs’ reign of terror.

“Towards the end of 1981, many of the members of the MEK and supporters went into exile. Their principal refuge was in France. But in 1986, after negotiations between the French and the Iranian authorities, the French government effectively treated them as undesirable aliens, and the leadership of the MEK with several thousand followers relocated to Iraq.” (Judgment of the Proscribed Organizations Appeal Commission, November 30, 2007.)

MEK Today

The MEK today is the oldest and largest anti-fundamentalist Muslim group in the Middle East. It has been active for more than a half century, battling two dictatorships and a wide range of issues. The MEK supports:

• Universal suffrage as the sole criterion for legitimacy

• Pluralistic system of governance

• Respect for individual freedoms

• Ban on the death penalty

• Separation of religion and state

• Full gender equality

• Equal participation of women in political leadership. MEK is actually led by its central committee consist of 1000 women.

• Modern judicial system that emphasizes the principle of innocence, a right to a defense, and due process

• Free markets

• Relations with all countries in the world

• Commitment to a non-nuclear Iran

The MEK remains a strong and cohesive organization, with a broad reach both worldwide and deep within Iran. MEK is the leading voice for democracy in Iran, supported by its interpretation of Islam that discredits the fundamentalist mullahs’ regime.

A democratic alternative to the Iranian regime – 'Free Iran' rally highlights MEK's role in Iranian resistance

During the 'Free Iran' rally in Paris on July 1, the mood was festive and clearing upbeat, as speakers discussed the movement of MEK members from Iraq to Albania.

Still, the highlight of the event was the keynote address by Maryam Rajavi, the National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI) President-elect. She noted that there was an alternative to the current regime and its extremism.

"Since last July, the Iranian Resistance has hoisted the banner of seeking justice for the victims of the massacre of political prisoners 29 years ago, turning it into the main focus of political discourse in Iran today," said Rajavi.

She noted that in the recent Iranian elections, which many speakers called a "sham", that the slogan of the resistance was "No to the executioner, no to the charlatan". It was a slogan that was widely embraced by the Iranian people, and referenced the attempt by Khamenei to elect Raisi, a member of the death commission in the 1988 massacre.

But many of the speakers and delegations also spoke of the real possibility of regime change in Iran, as they noted major changes on the international scene. Speaker after speaker from the United States pointed to the new policies of the Trump administration, while others acknowledged the Obama administration for its efforts to remove the MEK from the terrorist list.

Rajavi said there is alternative to the Iranian regime and it is the Iranian resistance.

"It is relying on political prisoners, who reaffirmed their support recently for this gathering from the depth of their cells and dungeons. It is relying on women, workers, teachers, professionals, and selfless youths. It is relying on their unsparing love and generous support, those who barrow money and sell their houses and properties to help keep this Resistance independent, strong, and solidified," said Rajavi.

She noted that the Resistance has continued to fight for freedom and stood by what it has said and promised.

"The Iranian nation is proud to have created a democratic alternative through resistance and great suffering and sacrifice. This decisive asset,…did not exist at the time of the Shah," said Rajavi. She acknowledged that this left a vacuum that allowed the regime to grow and take root.

As part of her discussion of the Resistance, she acknowledged the contributions of Massoud Rajavi, who has been a leader in the Resistance, but also active in encouraging those in Camp Liberty to keep fighting and maintain the struggle for freedom.

IRAN REGIME''S SUPREME LEADER ROLE IN THE PRODUCTION OF MOVIES AGAINST MEK

 

IRAN REGIME''S SUPREME LEADER ROLE IN THE PRODUCTION OF MOVIES AGAINST MEK

By INU Staff

INU - Following the ignominy of the movie “Adventure of Nimrooz (Midday Adventure)", made against the People’s Mujahedin Organization of Iran ( PMOI/MEK), the news agency of the Islamic Revolutionary Guards (IRGC) released the news about the meeting of Iranian regime's Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei with film producers which exposes Khamenei’s role in the production of this movie. The IRGC was also involved in the production of the movie in February/March 2017.

The news was first released by the IRGC following confessions and protests among various government bands due to the ignominy of this scandalous film. It was then published by other state-run news agencies.

According to state-run news agencies, Khamenei who was after production of this movie against the MEK, in the meeting with his subordinates who produced the movie said: “This film ‘Midday Adventure’ was very good. All the components of the movie were great; it was a great director; excellent play and great stories. The film was well-made.”

The reports show that Khamenei in the same meeting ordered the production of a movie to and whitewash the crimes of the Evin executioner, Assadollah Lajevardi, and show the facts upside down and misrepresent this criminal.

Funding for the movie against MEK by the Revolutionary Guards!

The story of “Adventure of Nimrooz” was written and directed by Mohammad Hossein Mahdavian and produced by Sayyed Mahmoud Razavi.

Synopsis of the film is a narrative of direct interrogators, torturers and killers of the MEK in 1980s. The movies goal is confronting the rise in popularity of the MEK particularly among the youths who were borne on or after 1981, in order to tarnish the MEK's image and prevent the youth from joining the MEK.

The IRGC and Ministry of Intelligence have been producing numerous movies against the MEK including “Cyanor” and “Adventure of Nimrooz” with the same intention.

Mohammad Hossein Mahdavian, the director and author of the movie “Adventure of Nimrooz,” produced the film under the direct supervision and support of the “OUJ Artistic and Media Organization”

The Artistic and Media Organization called ‘OUJ’

The ‘OUJ Artistic and Media Organization’, affiliated to Cultural Deputy of the IRGC, was formed in 2011 following the sum up and conclusion of the 2009 uprising in Iran. The sum-up of the reports by the intelligence organs including the Eltaqat (Eclectic) Department of the Ministry of Intelligence (specifically dealing with the MEK) indicates that based on the arrests, control of phone calls and emails… it was concluded that 60% to 65% of the 2009 uprising was organized by the MEK and their supporters.

On the basis of this sum-up, Khamenei's regime has taken several steps to confront the uprising in the future. Among these measures was the upgrading of the IRGC deputy information department to the Sepah (Gurads) Intelligence Organization, with the purpose of specifically taking the same role as the Third SAVAK Department in the time of the Shah, known as the “Anti-Sabotage Office,” as well as using the Basij and Plainclothes Organization… as the executive and operational arms of the IRGC.

Alongside these security intelligence agencies, the IRGC’s Cultural Affairs Deputy was expanded and deployed to combat and counteract the awareness of young people using psychological warfare and the injection of reactionary thoughts. (In the last transformation in the second half of 2016, Pasdar Naghdi was transferred from commanding Khamenei's Basij to the IRGC Cultural Deputy position).

Since the people and youth despise and hate the Revolutionary Guards, the IRGC’s Cultural Affairs Deputy created the “Artistic and Media Organization of Peak" as a cultural executive arm in 2011 to pursue the goals of this deputy as an artistic organ.

The head of this organization is Ehsan Mohammad Hassani, who in addition to the IRGC cultural deputy, has connection with the Ammarion (Plainclothes) base and is sponsored and financially supported by Tehran's mayor, Pasdar Qalibaf.

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IRAN MURDERED THOUSANDS OF MEK MEMBERS DURING THE SUMMER OF 1988

A professor of political science in Tehran University, Sadeq Zibakalam, who is also a close confidant of Ali Akbar Hashem Rafsanjani, former head of Iran’s Expediency Council, stated that Iran, similar to those who murdered Imam Hossein (the grandson of Prophet Mohammad), has murderedthousands of members of the People's Mojahedin Organization of Iran (PMOI/MEK) in the course of 10 years following the 1979 revolution, most of them during the summer of 1988 in Tehran’s notorious Evin Prison. This was reported by al-Quds al-Arabi daily on February 11th, 2017, in an article written by Mohamed al-Mazhaji.

“Guya News” website also published excerpts of Zibakalam’s remarks on the sideline of Iran’s annual “Fajr” film festival in Tehran marking the 1979 revolution anniversary.

Iran has murdered thousands of opposition MEK members during the years after the 1979 revolution, without any judicial process or proving any crime, Zibakalam reiterated, referring to events of the summer 1988, and issues raised in the sound file of a meeting between the Islamic republic’s “Death Committee” with Hossein Ali Montazeri, the former successor of the Islamic republic’s founder.

Zibakalam also strongly criticized the movie produced with the support of the Revolutionary Guards (IRGC), “Majaraye Nimrooz” (Midday Adventures), which was previewed at the Fajr film festival. He said that the film does not replicate the truth about what took place between the IRGC and MEK during that period.

“We accuse the MEK of conducting a series of assassinations back in the 1980s. Did MEK members carry out these measures for no reason at all?” this Rafsanjani confidant asked.

This film retells the events from the Iranian regime’s point of view, depicting an image of the IRGC as kind individuals defending truth and humanity, and not the truth, he added. Instead, we killed thousands of MEK members in Evin Prison without due process, Zibakalam continued, and added that the country was witnessing a civil war at that period of Iran’s revolution, between the IRGC and the MEK, costing the lives of thousands of people.

The MEK is one of the main organizations that, beginning in 1965 played a pivotal role in the 1979 revolution, through armed resistance and popular movements against Iran’s monarchial regime. In fact, MEK leader Massoud Rajavi was the leading candidate in the presidential elections after the revolution, and the MEK played an important role from 1979 to 1983 inside Iran.

Then, due to the conflict between the state and revolutionary forces, Khomeini, founder of the Islamic republic, prevented many MEK members from holding any possible official jobs in governmental administration, and deprived its members from political activities.

Montazeri’s sound file, released by his son, Ahmad Montazeri, made significant revelations, especially since “Death Committee” members explained the reason for condemning and executing thousands of MEK prisoners in 1988. In response, Montazeri had said not according to sharia, morals or humanitarian principles is it permitted to kill an individual who has been condemned once in court for maintaining their position, because they have not committed a new crime and they were already in prison. The “Death Committee” members emphasized to Montazeri they had to be executed because they approved the MEK.

The “Death Committee” members are still active in high positions in the regime:

Mostafa Pour Mohammadi is one of the most important members of Iran’s

“Death Committee” and he currently is the head of the Ministry of Justice in Hassan Rouhani’s cabinet.

Ibrahim Reisi is now the Supreme Leader’s representative and head of the organization managing the Imam Reza shrine in the city of Mashhad, northeast Iran.

Hossien Ali Nayeri is now deputy head of Iran’s highest court.

Reports by the United Nations confirm the execution of at least 3,600 MEK prisoners in Tehran’s prisons. Other security reports, obtained in 1998, indicate the “Death Committee” executed over 30,410 MEK members across Iran in the summer of 1988. This is in addition to the execution of 3,500 prisoners of leftist parties who were behind bars since the first years of the 1979 revolution.

Ahmad Khatami, a member of Iran’s Assembly of Experts Board of Directors and the Qom Religious School and a Friday prayer leader in Tehran, in response to the “Death Committee” sound file, stipulated for the first time that the execution of MEK prisoners in 1988 was carried out on charges of “moharebe against God and his Messenger” (enmity against God and his Prophet) and according to an order issued by Khomeini. He added that this measure was in line with implementing orders of the Quran, Islamic jurisprudence and a revolutionary measure that has served in the better interest of Islam and Iranian people.

Pour Mohammadi admitted to the accuracy of the issues raised in the sound file and added, “I am proud of implementing Khomeini’s orders against MEK members.” He stated further, that God’s order against them has been carried out.

The Qom Islamic revolution court sentenced Ahmad Montazeri to 21 years behind bars and stripped him of his clerical authority for publishing the sound file.

A democratic alternative to the Iranian regime – 'Free Iran' rally highlights MEK's role in Iranian resistance

A democratic alternative to the Iranian regime – 'Free Iran' rally highlights MEK's role in Iranian resistance

During the 'Free Iran' rally in Paris on July 1, the mood was festive and clearing upbeat, as speakers discussed the movement of MEK members from Iraq to Albania.

But many of the speakers and delegations also spoke of the real possibility of regime change in Iran, as they noted major changes on the international scene. Speaker after speaker from the United States pointed to the new policies of the Trump administration, while others acknowledged the Obama administration for its efforts to remove the MEK from the terrorist list.

Still, the highlight of the event was the keynote address by Maryam Rajavi, the National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI) President-elect. She noted that there was an alternative to the current regime and its extremism.

"Since last July, the Iranian Resistance has hoisted the banner of seeking justice for the victims of the massacre of political prisoners 29 years ago, turning it into the main focus of political discourse in Iran today," said Rajavi.

She noted that in the recent Iranian elections, which many speakers called a "sham", that the slogan of the resistance was "No to the executioner, no to the charlatan". It was a slogan that was widely embraced by the Iranian people, and referenced the attempt by Khamenei to elect Raisi, a member of the death commission in the 1988 massacre.

Rajavi said there is alternative to the Iranian regime and it is the Iranian resistance.

"It is relying on political prisoners, who reaffirmed their support recently for this gathering from the depth of their cells and dungeons. It is relying on women, workers, teachers, professionals, and selfless youths. It is relying on their unsparing love and generous support, those who barrow money and sell their houses and properties to help keep this Resistance independent, strong, and solidified," said Rajavi.

She noted that the Resistance has continued to fight for freedom and stood by what it has said and promised.

"The Iranian nation is proud to have created a democratic alternative through resistance and great suffering and sacrifice. This decisive asset,…did not exist at the time of the Shah," said Rajavi. She acknowledged that this left a vacuum that allowed the regime to grow and take root.

As part of her discussion of the Resistance, she acknowledged the contributions of Massoud Rajavi, who has been a leader in the Resistance, but also active in encouraging those in Camp Liberty to keep fighting and maintain the struggle for freedom.

A democratic alternative to the Iranian regime – 'Free Iran' rally highlights MEK's role in Iranian resistance

A democratic alternative to the Iranian regime – 'Free Iran' rally highlights MEK's role in Iranian resistance

During the 'Free Iran' rally in Paris on July 1, the mood was festive and clearing upbeat, as speakers discussed the movement of MEK members from Iraq to Albania.

Still, the highlight of the event was the keynote address by Maryam Rajavi, the National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI) President-elect. She noted that there was an alternative to the current regime and its extremism.

"Since last July, the Iranian Resistance has hoisted the banner of seeking justice for the victims of the massacre of political prisoners 29 years ago, turning it into the main focus of political discourse in Iran today," said Rajavi.

She noted that in the recent Iranian elections, which many speakers called a "sham", that the slogan of the resistance was "No to the executioner, no to the charlatan". It was a slogan that was widely embraced by the Iranian people, and referenced the attempt by Khamenei to elect Raisi, a member of the death commission in the 1988 massacre.

Rajavi said there is alternative to the Iranian regime and it is the Iranian resistance.

"It is relying on political prisoners, who reaffirmed their support recently for this gathering from the depth of their cells and dungeons. It is relying on women, workers, teachers, professionals, and selfless youths. It is relying on their unsparing love and generous support, those who barrow money and sell their houses and properties to help keep this Resistance independent, strong, and solidified," said Rajavi.

She noted that the Resistance has continued to fight for freedom and stood by what it has said and promised.

"The Iranian nation is proud to have created a democratic alternative through resistance and great suffering and sacrifice. This decisive asset,…did not exist at the time of the Shah," said Rajavi. She acknowledged that this left a vacuum that allowed the regime to grow and take root.

As part of her discussion of the Resistance, she acknowledged the contributions of Massoud Rajavi, who has been a leader in the Resistance, but also active in encouraging those in Camp Liberty to keep fighting and maintain the struggle for freedom.

But many of the speakers and delegations also spoke of the real possibility of regime change in Iran, as they noted major changes on the international scene. Speaker after speaker from the United States pointed to the new policies of the Trump administration, while others acknowledged the Obama administration for its efforts to remove the MEK from the terrorist list.

A democratic alternative to the Iranian regime – 'Free Iran' rally highlights MEK's role in Iranian resistance

A democratic alternative to the Iranian regime – 'Free Iran' rally highlights MEK's role in Iranian resistance

During the "Free Iran" rally in Paris on July 1, the mood was festive and clearing upbeat, as speakers discussed the movement of MEK members from Iraq to Albania.

Still, the highlight of the event was the keynote address by Maryam Rajavi, the National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI) President-elect. She noted that there was an alternative to the current regime and its extremism.

"Since last July, the Iranian Resistance has hoisted the banner of seeking justice for the victims of the massacre of political prisoners 29 years ago, turning it into the main focus of political discourse in Iran today," said Rajavi.

She noted that in the recent Iranian elections, which many speakers called a "sham", that the slogan of the resistance was "No to the executioner, no to the charlatan". It was a slogan that was widely embraced by the Iranian people, and referenced the attempt by Khamenei to elect Raisi, a member of the death commission in the 1988 massacre.

Rajavi said there is alternative to the Iranian regime and it is the Iranian resistance.

"It is relying on political prisoners, who reaffirmed their support recently for this gathering from the depth of their cells and dungeons. It is relying on women, workers, teachers, professionals, and selfless youths. It is relying on their unsparing love and generous support, those who barrow money and sell their houses and properties to help keep this Resistance independent, strong, and solidified," said Rajavi.

She noted that the Resistance has continued to fight for freedom and stood by what it has said and promised.

"The Iranian nation is proud to have created a democratic alternative through resistance and great suffering and sacrifice. This decisive asset,…did not exist at the time of the Shah," said Rajavi. She acknowledged that this left a vacuum that allowed the regime to grow and take root.

As part of her discussion of the Resistance, she acknowledged the contributions of Massoud Rajavi, who has been a leader in the Resistance, but also active in encouraging those in Camp Liberty to keep fighting and maintain the struggle for freedom.

But many of the speakers and delegations also spoke of the real possibility of regime change in Iran, as they noted major changes on the international scene. Speaker after speaker from the United States pointed to the new policies of the Trump administration, while others acknowledged the Obama administration for its efforts to remove the MEK from the terrorist list.